Greek To Hebrew And Hebrew To Greek Dictionary Of Septuagint Words In The Bible
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As I read Isaiah 22:19 recently, I had a question about a rarely occurring word in that verse. The Greek reads:
.
The lexicon also contains the equivalent Hebrew words which the Septuagint has translated. The Hebrew words are also coded to Strong's. The benefit is that one can find the in depth meaning of all these OT Hebrew words thus providing a link between the NT greek and OT Hebrew. As we can see this Stongs Plus Dictionary, does the same and also (greek to Hebrew and also Hebrew to Greek) much better. Strongs Plus Dictionary Greek Hebrew Equivalent.dctx.exe Other files you may be interested in. The word 'Sheol' was not coined by the scribes of the Greek Septuagint. One reference is Strong's Concordance and Lexicon, in which its rendering in Deuteronomy 32:22 has Hebrew word ID number 7585, shin aleph vav lamed (right to left). Septuagint definition is - a Greek version of the Jewish Scriptures redacted in the third and second centuries b.c. By Jewish scholars and adopted by Greek-speaking Christians.
(And you will be removed from your office and from your post.)
That means you can only switch CDMA phones with your carriers permission. What really matters is the type of network prior to the merge. If the network infrastructure was CDMA from the very beginning, so it will be after the business merge, because of its initial infrastructure. Note: we do not unlock CDMA phones. Reliance cdma phone price .
The word occurs in the Septuagint only here and two verses later. In the New Testament it appears just nine times.
A traditional lexicon (like LEH or LSJ) can give useful information about the word, but not necessarily any information about the underlying Hebrew. LEH just has, Is 22:19-21 stewardship. Muraokas work, by contrast, is a two-way index , which means you dont get a definition or gloss (as LEH or LSJ give). What you do get, however, is what Hebrew word a given Greek word is thought to have translated. As here:
Already the reader is interested to see that the same Greek word used twice within three verses translates a different underlying Hebrew word in each case. (N.B.: I realize that in Septuagint lexicography, to speak of Greek that translates Hebrew is an oversimplification, as there are other textual considerations that give rise to a given Septuagint text.)
Then one can consult the HebrewGreek portion of the index (part two of the book) to see what other Greek words (if any) are used where each of those two Hebrew words is used. In other words, Muraoka helps answer the question: did the translator of Greek Isaiah have other Greek options available to him when confronted with the Hebrew text?
Looking at Muraokas entry for the first of the two options above (), the answer is yes:
What is of note here is that Muraokas work makes it possible to see at a glance what sort of translation decisions have been made in going from Hebrew to Greek text.
As I study the Septuagint, I (and others) wonder about these things. How often does the Greek translate the Hebrew ? This breaks down into two questions: (1) What other Greek words are used to translate ? and (2) For occurrences in the Greek text of , what other Hebrew words might it be translating?
Muraoka writes this in the introduction:
This two-way index is meant to supplement our recently published lexicon as well as Hatch and Redpaths Septuagint Concordance.
Up to the second edition of our lexicon published in 2002 many of the entry words had at the end a list of Hebrew/Aramaic words or phrases which are translated in the Septuagint with the entry word in question. In the latest edition of the lexicon, however, we have decided to delete all these lists as not integral to the lexicon. This set of information is important all the same for better understanding of the Septuagint, its translation techniques, the Septuagint translators ways of relating to the Hebrew/Aramaic words and phrases in their original text. In order fully to understand how a Hebrew/Aramaic lexeme or phrase X was perceived to relate to a Greek lexeme or phrase Y one would need to study each biblical passage, with the help of HR, to which the equivalence applies. Yet a quick overview of, and easy access to, the range of Greek words or phrases can be helpful and illuminating. Therefore we are presenting these data here separately as Part I of this two-way Index.
As shown in the example above, part 1 is Greek to Hebrew. Part 2 is Hebrew to Greek.
The numbers next to the Greek words above are a key to the Hatch-Redpath Concordance that Muraoka mentions. That concordance (published early in the 20th century), has all the Greek words used in the Septuagint, together with what was thought to be the underlying Hebrew. The back of the HR concordance has a list that shows all the Hebrew words (alphabetically) with the Greek words used to translate them. But you actually just get an entry like this
qal 37 c , 74 a , 109 c , 113 c , 120 a , 133 a , 222 a , 267 a , 299 b , 306 b , 313 a , 329 c , 339 b , 365 a , 384 a , 460 c , 477 a , 503 c , 505 c , 520 b , 534 c , 537 b , 538 b , 553 b , 628 b , 757 b , 841 c , 863 c , 881 c , 991 b , 1056 b , 1060 a , 1061 a , 1139 a , 1213 b , 1220 c , 1231 b , c , 1310 b , 1318 b , 1423 c , 1425 b , 69b, 72b, 173a, 183b, c, 200a (2), 207 c, 211b.
so that you have to go back manually through the concordance to see what words are at 37c (page 37, column c), 74a, etc. It would be tedious to look up all the Greek words translated the Hebrew . Greek To Hebrew And Hebrew To Greek Dictionary Of Septuagint Words In The Bible
The second half of the two-way index more conveniently lists the above entry as:
qal (37c), (74a)
The HR page and column references are still there, but the actual Greek words are present now.
Muraoka has also updated HRs lexical analysis by including insights gained recently through textual criticism, new manuscripts (HR did not have the Dead Sea Scrolls), more analysis of apocryphal/deuterocanonical books, and so on.
In part one (only) Muraoka includes basic frequency statisticshow many times a given Hebrew word is what the Greek entry translates. In this index he is content with the use of + symbolwhen a given equivalence appears to occur very frequently. The statistics are not comprehensive or complete, as Muraoka points out.
Its not fair to fault Muraoka for not including a definition or gloss for his entries, since this is an index. The reader just needs to make sure to know this doesnt and isnt intended to replace a full-blown lexicon.
In fact, I appreciated Muraokas humility and realism in writing:
Our revision of HR, however, is still incomplete. Ideally, one should study each verse of every Septuagint book translated from either Hebrew or Aramaic and compare it with what is judged to be the Semitic Vorlage of the Septuagint text. This is a project for the future, and we doubt that such an investigation can be performed wholly and mechanically with a computer.
This is, in fact, the best way to use the indexwith a computer and the original language texts nearby to do further investigation as needed. But even with a computer, the index is an invaluable resource and welcome contribution to the growing field of Septuagint studies. Muraoka has done a great service to Septuagint readers by publishing the two-way index.
Thanks to Peeters Publishers for the review copy of this work, offered without any expectation as to the positive or critical nature of my review. The books product page is here. Its on Amazon here. Septuagint
( The seventy ). The Septuagint or Greek version of the Old Testament appears at the present day in four principal editions:--
Biblia Polyglotta Complutensis, A.D. 1514-1617,
The Aldine Edition, Venice, A.D. 1518.
The Roman Edition, edited under Pope Sixtus V., A.D. 1587.
Fac-simile Edition of the Codex Alexandrinus, by H. H. Baber, A.D. 1816. [TARGUMS] The Jews of Alexandria had probably still less knowledge of Hebrew than their brethren in Palestine their familiar language was Alexandrian Greek. They had settled in Alexandria in large numbers soon after the time of Alexander, and under the early Ptolemies. They would naturally follow the same practice as the Jews in Palestine; and hence would arise in time an entire Greek version. But the numbers and names of the translators, and the times at which different portions were translated are all uncertain. The commonly-received story respecting its origin is contained in an extant letter ascribed to Aristeas, who was an officer at the court of Ptolemy Philadelphus. This letter which is dressed by Aristeas to his brother Philocrates, gives a glowing account of the origin of the Septuagint; of the embassy and presents sent by King Ptolemy to the high priest at Jerusalem, by the advice of Demetrius Phalereus, his librarian, 30 talents of gold and 70 talents of silver, etc.; the Jewish slaves whom he set free, paying their ransom himself the letter of the king: the answer of the high priest; the choosing of six interpreters from each of the twelve tribes and their names; the copy of the law, in letters of gold; the feast prepared for the seventy two, which continued for seven days; the questions proposed to each of the interpreters in turn, with the answers of each; their lodging by the seashore and the accomplishment of their work in seventy. two days, by conference and comparison. This is the story which probably gave to the version the title of the Septuagint, and which has been repeated in various forms by the Christian writers. But it is now generally admitted that the letter is spurious and is probably the fabrication of an Alexandrian Jew shortly before the Christian era. Still there can be no doubt that there was a basis of fact for the fiction; on three points of the story there is no material difference of opinion and they are confirmed by the study of the version itself:--
The version was made at Alexandria.
It was begun in the time of the earlier Ptolemies, about 280 B.C.
The law (i.e. the Pentateuch) alone was translated at first. The Septuagint version was highly esteemed by the Hellenistic Jews before the coming of Christ. Wherever, by the conquests of Alexander or by colonization, the Greek language prevailed wherever Jews were settled and the attention of the neighboring Gentiles was drawn to their wondrous history and law there was found the Septuagint, which thus became, by divine Providence the means of spreading widely the knowledge of the one true God and his promises of it Saviour to come, throughout the nations. To the wide dispersion of this version we may ascribe in great measure that general persuasion which prevailed over the whole East of the near approach of the Redeemer, and led the Magi to recognize the star which, reclaimed the birth of the King of the Jews. Not less wide was the influence of the Septuagint in the spread of the gospel. For a long period the Septuagint was the Old Testament of the far larger part of the Christian Church. Character of the Septuagint. The Septuagint is faithful in substance but not minutely accurate in details. It has been clearly shown by Hody, Frankel and others that the several books were translated by different persons, without any comprehensive revision to harmonize the several parts. Names and words are rendered differently in different books. Thus the character of the version varies much in the several books, those of the Pentateuch are the best. The poetical parts are, generally speaking, inferior to the historical, the original abounding with rarer words and expressions. In the major prophets (probably translated nearly 100 years after the Pentateuch) some of the most important prophecies are sadly obscured. Ezekiel and the minor prophets (generally speaking) seem to be better rendered. Supposing the numerous glosses and duplicate renderings, which have evidently crept from the margin into the text, to be removed and forming a rough estimate of what the Septuagint was in its earliest state, we may perhaps say of it that it is the image of the original seen through a glass not adjusted to the proper focus; the larger features are shown, but the sharpness of definition is lost. The close connection between the Old and the New Testament makes the study of the Septuagint most valuable, and indeed indispensable, to the theological student. It was manifestly the chief storehouse from which the apostles drew their proofs and precepts. ATS Bible Dictionary Septuagint
The seventy, is the name of the most ancient Greek version of the Old Testament, and is so called because there were said to have been seventy translators.
The accounts of its origin disagree, but it should probably be assigned to the third century before Christ. This ancient version contains many errors, and yet as a whole is a faithful one, particularly in the books of Moses; it is of great value in the interpretation of the Old Testament, and is very often quoted by the New Testament writers, who wrote in the same dialect. It was the parent of the first Latin, the Coptic, and many other versions, and was so much quoted and followed by the Greek and Roman fathers as practically to supersede the original Hebrew, until the last few centuries. The chronology of the Septuagint differs materially from that of the Hebrew text, adding, for example, 606 years between the creation and the deluge. See ALEXANDRIA. see VERSIONS. Webster's Revised Unabridged Dictionary ( n. ) A Greek version of the Old Testament; -- so called because it was believed to be the work of seventy (or rather of seventy-two) translators. SEPTUAGINT
sep'-tu-a-jint:
I. IMPORTANCE
II. NAME
III. TRADITIONAL ORIGIN
1. Letter of Aristeas
2. Evidence of Aristobulus and Philo
3. Later Accretions
4. Criticism of the Aristeas Story
5. Date
6. Credibility
IV. EVIDENCE OF PROLOGUE TO SIRACH
V. TRANSMISSION OF THE SEPTUAGINT TEXT
1. Early Corruption of the Text
2. Official Revision of Hebrew Text circa 100 A.D.
3. Adoption of Septuagint by Christians
4. Alternative 2nd-Century Greek Versions
5. Aquila
6. Theodotion
7. Symmachus and Others
8. Origen and the Hexapla
9. Hexaplaric Manuscripts
10. Recensions Known to Jerome
11. Hesychian Recension
12. Lucianic Recension
VI. RECONSTRUCTION OF SEPTUAGINT TEXT; VERSIONS, MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTED EDITIONS
1. Ancient Versions Made from Septuagint
2. Manuscripts
3. Printed Texts
4. Reconstruction of Original Text
VII. NUMBER, TITLES AND ORDER OF BOOKS
1. Contents
2. Titles
3. Bipartition of Books
4. Grouping and Order of Books
VIII. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE VERSION AND ITS COMPONENT PARTS
1. Grouping of Books on Internal Evidence
(1) The Hexateuch
(2) The 'Latter' Prophets
(3) Partial Version of the 'Former' Prophets (4) The 'Writings'
(5) The Latest Septuagint Translations
2. General Characteristics
IX. SALIENT DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE GREEK AND HEBREW TEXTS
1. Sequence
2. Subject-Matter
LITERATURE
I. Importance.
The Greek version of the Old Testament commonly known as the Septuagint holds a unique place among translations. Its importance is manysided. Its chief value lies in the fact that it is a version of a Hebrew text earlier by about a millennium than the earliest dated Hebrew manuscript extant (916 A.D.), a version, in particular, prior to the formal rabbinical revision of the Hebrew which took place early in the 2nd century A.D. It supplies the materials for the reconstruction of an older form of the Hebrew than the Massoretic Text reproduced in our modern Bibles. It is, moreover, a pioneering work; there was probably no precedent in the world's history for a series of translations from one language into another on so extensive a scale. It was the first attempt to reproduce the Hebrew Scriptures in another tongue. It is one of the outstanding results of the breaking-down of international barriers by the conquests of Alexander the Great and the dissemination of the Greek language, which were fraught with such vital consequences for the history of religion. The cosmopolitan city which he founded in the Delta witnessed the first attempt to bridge the gulf between Jewish and Greek thought. The Jewish commercial settlers at Alexandria, forced by circumstances to abandon their language, clung tenaciously to their faith; and the translation of the Scriptures into their adopted language, produced to meet their own needs, had the further result of introducing the outside world to a knowledge of their history and religion. Then came the most momentous event in its history, the starting-point of a new life; the translation was taken over from the Jews by the Christian church. It was the Bible of most writers of the New Testament. Not only are the majority of their express citations from Scripture borrowed from it, but their writings contain numerous reminiscences of its language. Its words are household words to them. It laid for them the foundations of a new religious terminology. It was a potent weapon for missionary work, and, when versions of the Scriptures into other languages became necessary, it was in most cases the Septuagint and not the Hebrew from which they were made. Preeminent among these daughter versions was the Old Latin which preceded the Vulgate (Jerome's Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.), for the most part a direct translation from the Hebrew, was in portions a mere revision of the Old Latin; our Prayer-book version of the Psalter preserves peculiarities of the Septuagint, transmitted through the medium of the Old Latin. The Septuagint was also the Bible of the early Greek Fathers, and helped to mold dogma; it furnished proof-texts to both parties in the Arian controversy. Its language gives it another strong claim to recognition. Uncouth and unclassical as much of it appears, we now know that this is not wholly due to the hampering effects of translation. 'Biblical Greek,' once considered a distinct species, is now a rather discredited term. The hundreds of contemporary papyrus records (letters, business and legal documents, etc.) recently discovered in Egypt illustrate much of the vocabulary and grammar and go to show that many so-called 'Hebraisms' were in truth integral parts of the koine, or 'common language,' i.e. the international form of Greek which, since the time of Alexander, replaced the old dialects, and of which the spoken Greek of today is the lineal descendant. The version was made for the populace and written in large measure in the language of their everyday life.
II. Name.
The name 'Septuagint' is an abbreviation of Interpretatio secundum (or juxta) Septuaginta seniores (or viros), i.e. the Greek translation of the Old Testament of which the first installment was, according to the Alexandrian legend (see III, below), contributed by 70 (or 72) elders sent from Jerusalem to Alexandria for the purpose at the request of Ptolemy II. The legend in its oldest form restricts their labors to the Pentateuch but they were afterward credited with the translation of the whole Bible, and before the 4th century it had become customary to apply the title to the whole collection: Aug., De Civ. Dei, xviii.42, 'quorum interpretatio ut Septuaginta vocetur iam obtinuit consuetudo' ('whose translation is now by custom called the Septuagint'). The manuscripts refer to them under the abbreviation hoi o' ('the seventy'), or hoi ob', ('the seventy-two'). The 'Septuagint' and the abbreviated form 'LXX' have been the usual designations hitherto, but, as these are based on a now discredited legend, they are coming to be replaced by 'the Old Testament in Greek,' or 'the Alexandrian version' with the abbreviation 'G'.
III. Traditional Origin.
The traditional account of the translation of the Pentateuch is contained in the so-called letter of Aristeas (editions of Greek text, P. Wendland, Teubner series, 1900, and Thackeray in the App. to Swete's Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek, 1900, etc.; Wendland's sections cited below appear in Swete's Introduction, edition 2; English translation by Thackeray, Macmillan, 1904, reprinted from JQR, XV, 337, and by H. T. Andrews in Charles' Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament, II, 83-122, Oxford, 1913).
1. Letter of Aristeas:
The writer professes to be a high official at the court of Ptolemy Philadelphus (285-247 B.C.), a Greek interested in Jewish antiquities. Addressing his brother Philocrates he describes an embassy to Jerusalem on which he has recently been sent with another courtier Andreas. According to his narrative, Demetrius of Phalerum, a prominent figure in later Athenian history, who here appears as the royal librarian at Alexandria, convinced the king of the importance of securing for his library a translation of the Jewish Law. The king at the same time, to propitiate the nation from whom he was asking a favor, consented, on the suggestion of Aristeas, to liberate all Jewish slaves in Egypt. Copies follow of the letters which passed between Ptolemy and Eleazar, the high priest at Jerusalem. Ptolemy requests Eleazar to select and dispatch to Alexandria 72 elders, proficient in the Law, 6 from each tribe, to undertake the translation the importance of the task requiring the services of a large number to secure an accurate version Eleazar complies with the request and the names of the selected translators are appended to his letter.
There follow: (1) a detailed description of votive offerings sent by Ptolemy for the temple; (2) a sketch of Jerusalem, the temple and its services, and the geography of Palestine, doubtless reflecting in part the impressions of an eyewitness and giving a unique picture of the Jewish capital in the Ptolemaic era; (3) an exposition by Eleazar of portions of the Law.
The translators arrive at Alexandria, bringing a copy of the Law written in letters of gold on rolls of skins, and are honorably received by Ptolemy. A seven days' banquet follows, at which the king tests the proficiency of each in turn with hard questions. Three days later Demetrius conducts them across the mole known as the Heptastadion to the island of Pharos, where, with all necessaries provided for their convenience, they complete their task, as by a miracle, in 72 days; we are expressly told that their work was the result of collaboration and comparison. The completed version was read by Demetrius to the Jewish community, who received it with enthusiasm and begged that a copy might be entrusted to their leaders; a solemn curse was pronounced on any who should venture to add to or subtract from or make any alteration in the translation. The whole version was then read aloud to the king who expressed his admiration and his surprise that Greek writers had remained in ignorance of its contents; he directed that the books should be preserved with scrupulous care.
2. Evidence of Aristobulus and Philo:
To set beside this account we have two pre-Christian allusions in Jewish writings. Aristobulus, addressing a Ptolemy who has been identified as Philometor (182-146 B.C.), repeats the statement that the Pentateuch was translated under Philadelphus at the instance of Demetrius Phalereus (Eusebius, Praep. Ev., XIII, 12, 664b); but the genuineness of the passage is doubtful. If it is accepted, it appears that some of the main features of the story were believed at Alexandria within a century of the date assigned by 'Aristeas' to the translation Philo (Vit. Moys, ii.5;) repeats the story of the sending of the translators by Eleazar at the request of Philadelphus, adding that in his day the completion of the undertaking was celebrated by an annual festival on the isle of Pharos. It is improbable that an artificial production like the Aristeas letter should have occasioned such an anniversary; Philo's evidence seems therefore to rest in part on an independent tradition. His account in one particular paves the way for later accretions; he hints at the inspiration of the translators and the miraculous agreement of their separate VSS: 'They prophesied like men possessed, not one in one way and one in another, but all producing the same words and phrases as though some unseen prompter were at the ears of each.' At the end of the 1st century A.D. Josephus includes in his Antiquities (XII, ii, 1;) large portions of the letter, which he paraphrases, but does not embellish.
3. Later Accretions:
Christian writers accepted the story without suspicion and amplified it. A catena of their evidence is given in an Appendix to Wendland's edition. The following are their principal additions to the narrative, all clearly baseless fabrications.
(1) The translators worked independently, in separate cells, and produced identical versions, Ptolemy proposing this test of their trustworthiness. So Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Augustine, the Chronicon Paschale and the Cohortatio ad Graecos (wrongly attributed to Justin); the author of the last work asserts that he had seen the cells and heard the tradition on the spot.
(2) A modification of this legend says that the translators worked in pairs in 36 cells. So Epiphanius (died 403 A.D.), and later G. Syncellus, Julius Pollux and Zonaras. Epiphanius' account is the most detailed. The translators were locked up in sky-lighted cells in pairs with attendants and shorthand writers; each pair was entrusted with one book, the books were then circulated, and 36 identical versions of the whole Bible, canonical and apocryphal books, were produced; Ptolemy wrote two letters, one asking for the original Scriptures, the second for translators.
(3) This story of the two embassies appears already in the 2nd century A.D., in Justin's Apology, and
(4) the extension of the translators' work to the Prophets or the whole Bible recurs in the two Cyrils and in Chrysostom.
(5) The miraculous agreement of the translators proved them to be no less inspired than the authors (Irenaeus, etc.; compare Philo).
(6) As regards date, Clement of Alexandria quotes an alternative tradition referring the version back to the time of the first Ptolemy (322-285 B.C.); while Chrysostom brings it down to 'a hundred or more years (elsewhere 'not many years') before the coming of Christ.' Justin absurdly states that Ptolemy's embassy was sent to King Herod; the Chronicon Paschale calls the high priest of the time Onias Simon, brother of Eleazar.
Jerome was the first to hold these later inventions up to ridicule, contrasting them with the older and more sober narrative. They indicate a growing oral tradition in Jewish circles at Alexandria. The origin of the legend of the miraculous consensus of the 70 translators has been reasonably sought in a passage in Exodus 24 Septuagint to which Epiphanius expressly refers. We there read of 70 elders of Israel, not heard of again, who with Aaron, Nadab and Abihu form a link between Moses and the people. After reciting the Book of the Covenant Moses ascends to the top of the mount; the 70, however, ascend but a little way and are bidden to worship from afar: according to the Septuagint text 'They saw the place where the God of Israel stood.. and of the elect of Israel not one perished' (Exodus 24:11), i.e. they were privileged to escape the usual effect of a vision of the Deity (Exodus 33:20). But the verb used for 'perish' (diaphonein) was uncommon in this sense; 'not one disagreed' would be the obvious meaning; hence, apparently the legend of the agreement of the translators, the later intermediaries between Moses and Israel of the Dispersion. When the translations were recited, 'no difference was discoverable,' says Epiphanius, using the same verb, cave-dwellings in the island of Pharos probably account for the legend of the cells. A curious phenomenon has recently suggested that there is an element of truth in one item of Epiphanius' obviously incredible narrative, namely, the working of the translators in pairs. The Greek books of Jeremiah and Ezekiel fall into two nearly equal parts, apparently the work of separate translators (see VIII, 1, (2), below); while in Exodus, Leviticus and Psalms orthographical details indicate a similar division of the books for clerical purposes. There was, it seems, a primitive custom of transcribing each book on 2 separate rolls, and in the case of Jeremiah and Ezekiel the practice goes back to the time of translation (JTS, IV, 245;, 398;; IX, 88;).
4. Criticism of the Aristeas Story:
Beside the later extravagances, the story of Aristeas appears comparatively rational. Yet it has long been recognized that much of it is unhistorical, in particular the professed date and nationality of the writer. Its claims to authenticity were demolished by Dr. Hody two centuries ago (De bibliorum textibus originalibus, Oxon., 1705). Clearly the writer is not a Greek, but a Jew, whose aim is to glorify his race and to disseminate information about their sacred books. Yet the story is not wholly to be rejected, though it is difficult to disentangle truth from fiction. On one side his veracity has since Hody's time been established; his court titles, technical terms, epistolary formulas, etc., reappear in Egyptian papyri and inscriptions, and all his references to Alexandrian life and customs are probably equally trustworthy (sections 28, 109;, measures to counteract the ill effects upon agriculture of migration from country to town; section 167, treatment of informers (compare section 25); section 175 reception of foreign embassies (compare section 182)). The import of this discovery has, however, since its announcement by Lombroso (Recherches sur l'economie politique de l'Egypte, Turin, 1870), been somewhat modified by the new-found papyri which show that Aristeas' titles and formulas are those of the later, not the earlier, Ptolemaic age.
5. Date:
The letter was used by Josephus and probably known to Philo. How much earlier is it? Schurer (HJP, II, iii, 309 (GJV4,III, 608-16)), relying on (1) the questionable Aristobulus passage, (2) the picture drawn of Palestine as if still under Ptolemaic rule, from which it passed to the Seleucids circa 200 B.C., argued that the work could not be later than that date. But it is hard to believe that a fictitious story (as he regards it to be) could have gained credence within little more than half a century of the period to which it relates, and Wendland rightly rejects so ancient an origin. The following indications suggest a date about 100-80 B.C.
(1) Many of Aristeas' formulas, etc. (see above), only came into use in the 2nd century B.C. (Strack, Rhein. Mus., LV, 168;; Thackeray, Aristeas, English translation, pp. 3, 12).
(2) The later Maccabean age or the end of the 2nd century B.C. is suggested by some of the translators' names (Wendland, xxvi), and
(3) by the independent position of the high priest.
(4) Some of Ptolemy's questions indicate a tottering dynasty (section 187, etc.).
(5) The writer occasionally forgets his role and distinguishes between his own time and that of Philadelphus (sections 28, 182).
(6) He appears to borrow his name from a Jewish historian of the 2nd century B.C. and to wish to pass off the latter's history as his own (section 6).
(7) He is guilty of historical inaccuracies concerning Demetrius, etc.
(8) The prologue to the Greek Ecclesiasticus (after 132 B.C.) ignores and contradicts the Aristeas story, whereas Aristeas possibly used this prologue (Wendland, xxvii; compare Hart, Ecclesiasticus in Greek, 1909).
(9) The imprecation upon any who should alter the translation (section 311) points to divergences of text which the writer desired to check; compare section 57, where he seems to insist on the correctness of the Septuagint text of Exodus 25:22, 'gold of pure gold,' as against the Hebrew.
(10) Allusions to current criticisms of the Pentateuch (sections 128, 144) presuppose a familiarity with it on the part of non-Jewish readers only explicable if the Septuagint had long been current.
(11) Yet details in the Greek orthography preclude a date much later than 100 B.C.
6. Credibility:
The probable amount of truth in the story is ably discussed by Swete (Intro, 16-22). The following statements in the letter may be accepted:
(1) The translation was produced at Alexandria, as is conclusively proved by Egyptian influence on its language.
(2) The Pentateuch was translated first and, in view of the homogeneity of style, as a whole.
(3) The Greek Pentateuch goes back to the first half of the 3rd century B.C.; the style is akin to that of the 3rd-century papyri, and the Greek Genesis was used by the Hellenist Demetrius toward the end of the century.
(4) The Hebrew rolls were brought from Jerusalem.
(5) Possibly Philadelphus, the patron of literature, with his religious impartiality, may have countenanced the work.
But the assertion that it owed its inception wholly to him and his librarian is incredible; it is known from other sources that Demetrius Phalereus did not fill the office of librarian under that monarch. The language is that of the people, not a literary style suitable to a work produced under royal patronage. The importation of Palestinian translators is likewise fictitious. Dr. Swete acutely observes that Aristeas, in stating that the translation was read to and welcomed by the Jewish community before being presented to the king, unconsciously reveals its true origin. It was no doubt produced to meet their own needs by the large Jewish colony at Alexandria. A demand that the Law should be read in the synagogues in a tongue 'understanded of the people' was the originating impulse.
IV. Evidence of Prologue to Sirach.
The interesting, though in places tantalizingly obscure, prologue to Ecclesiasticus throws light on the progress made with the translation of the remaining Scriptures before the end of the 2nd century B.C.
The translator dates his settlement in Egypt, during which he produced his version of his grandfather's work, as 'the 38th year under Euergetes the king.' The words have been the subject of controversy, but, with the majority of critics, we may interpret this to mean the 38th year of Euergetes II, reckoning from the beginning (170 B.C.) of his joint reign with Philometor, i.e. 132 B.C. Euergetes I reigned for 25 years only. Others, in view of the superfluous preposition, suppose that the age of the translator is intended, but the cumbrous form of expression is not unparalleled. A recent explanation of the date (Hart, Ecclesiasticus in Greek) as the 38th year of Philadelphus which was also the 1st year of Euergetes I (i.e. 247 B.C.) is more ingenious than convincing.
The prologue implies the existence of a Greek version of the Law; the Prophets and 'the rest of the books.' The translator, craving his readers' indulgence for the imperfections of his own work, due to the difficulty of reproducing Hebrew in Greek, adds that others have experienced the same difficulties: 'The Law itself and the prophecies and the rest of the books have no small difference when spoken in their original language.' From these words we may understand that at the time of writing (132-100 B.C.) Alexandrian Jews possessed Greek versions of a large part (probably not the whole) of 'the Prophets,' and of some of 'the Writings' or Hagiographa. For some internal evidence as to the order in which the several books were translated see VIII, below.
V. Transmission of the Septuagint Text.
The main value of the Septuagint is its witness to an older Hebrew text than our own. But before we can reconstruct this Hebrew text we need to have a pure Greek text before us, and this we are at present far from possessing. The Greek text has had a long and complex history of its own. Used for centuries by both Jews and Christians it underwent corruption and interpolation, and, notwithstanding the multitude of materials for its restoration, the original text has yet to be recovered. We are much more certain of the ipsissima verba of the New Testament writers than of the original Alexandrian version of the Old Testament. This does not apply to all portions alike. The Greek Pentateuch, e.g., has survived in a relatively pure form. But everywhere we have to be on our guard against interpolations, sometimes extending to whole paragraphs. Not a verse is without its array of variant readings. An indication of the amount of 'mixture' which has taken place is afforded by the numerous 'doublets' or alternative renderings of a single Hebrew word or phrase which appear side by side in the transmitted text.
1. Early Corruption of the Text:
Textual corruption began early, before the Christian era. We have seen indications of this in the letter of Aristeas (III, 5, (9) above). Traces of corruption appear in Philo (e.g. his comment, in Quis Rer. Div. Her. 56, on Genesis 15:15, shows that already in his day tapheis, 'buried,' had become trapheis, 'nurtured,' as in all our manuscripts); doublets already exist. Similarly in the New Testament the author of Hebrews quotes (12:15) a corrupt form of the Greek of Deuteronomy 29:18.
2. Official Revision of Hebrew Text circa 100 A.D.:
But it was not until the beginning of the 2nd century A.D. that the divergence between the Greek and the Palestinian Hebrew text reached an acute stage. One cause of this was the revision of the Hebrew text which took place about this time. No actual record of this revision exists, but it is beyond doubt that it originated in the rabbinical school, of which Rabbi Akiba was the chief representative, and which had its center at Jamnia in the years following the destruction of Jerusalem. The Jewish doctors, their temple in ruins, concentrated their attention on the settlement of the text of the Scriptures which remained to them. This school of eminent critics, precursors of the Massoretes, besides settling outstanding questions concerning the Canon, laid down strict rules for Biblical interpretation, and in all probability established an official text.
3. Adoption of Septuagint by Christians:
But another cause widened still farther the distance between the texts of Jerusalem and Alexandria. This was the adoption of the Septuagint by the Christian church. When Christians began to cite the Alexandrian version in proof of their doctrines, the Jews began to question its accuracy. Hence, mutual recriminations which are reflected in the pages of Justin's Dialogue with Trypho. 'They dare to assert,' says Justin (Dial., 68), 'that the interpretation produced by your seventy elders under Ptolemy of Egypt is in some points inaccurate.' A crucial instance cited by the Jews was the rendering 'virgin' in Isaiah 7:14, where they claimed with justice that 'young woman' would be more accurate. Justin retaliates by charging the Jews with deliberate excision of passages favorable to Christianity.
4. Alternative 2nd Century Greek Versions:
That such accusations should be made in those critical years was inevitable, yet there is no evidence of any material interpolations having been introduced by either party. But the Alexandrian version, in view of the revised text and the new and stricter canons of interpretation, was felt by the Jews to be inadequate, and a group of new translations of Scripture in the 2nd century A.D. supplied the demand. We possess considerable fragments of the work of three of these translators, namely, Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion, besides scanty remnants of further anonymous versions
5. Aquila:
The earliest of 'the three' was Aquila, a proselyte to Judaism, and, like his New Testament namesake, a native of Pontus. He flourished, according to Epiphanius (whose account of these later translators in his De mens. et pond. is not wholly trustworthy), under Hadrian (117-38 A.D.) and was related to that emperor; there is no probability in Epiphanius' further statement that Hadrian entrusted to Aquila the superintendence of the building of Aelia Capitolina on the site of Jerusalem, that there he was converted to Christianity by Christian exiles returning from Pella, but that refusing to abandon astrology he was excommunicated, and in revenge turned Jew and was actuated by a bias against Christianity in his version of the Old Testament. What is certain is that he was a pupil of the new rabbinical school, in particular of Rabbi Akiba (95-135 A.D.), and that his version was an attempt to reproduce exactly the revised official text. The result was an extraordinary production, unparalleled in Greek literature, if it can be classed under that category at all. No jot or tittle of the Hebrew might be neglected; uniformity in the translation of each Hebrew word must be preserved and the etymological kinship of different Hebrew words represented. Such were some of his leading principles. The opening words of his translation (Genesis 1:1) may be rendered: 'In heading rounded God with the heavens and with the earth.' 'Heading' or 'summary' was selected because the Hebrew word for 'beginning' was a derivative of 'head.' 'With' represents an untranslatable word ('eth) prefixed to the accusative case, but indistinguishable from the preposition 'with.' The Divine Name (the tetragrammaton, YHWH) was not translated, but written in archaic Hebrew characters. 'A slave to the letter,' as Origen calls him, his work has aptly been described by a modern writer as 'a colossal crib' (Burkitt, JQR, October, 1896, 207;). Yet it was a success. In Origen's time it was used by all Jews ignorant of Hebrew, and continued in use for several centuries; Justinian expressly sanctioned its use in the synagogues (Nov., 146). Its lack of style and violation of the laws of grammar were not due to ignorance of Greek, of which the writer shows, in vocabulary at least, a considerable command. Its importance lay and lies (so far as it is preserved) in its exact reproduction of the rabbinical text of the 2nd century A.D.; it may be regarded as the beginning of the scientific study of the Hebrew Scriptures. Though 'a bold attempt to displace the Septuagint,' it cannot be charged with being intentionally antagonistic to Christianity. Of the original work, previously known only from extracts in manuscripts, some palimpsest fragments were recovered from the Cairo Genizah in 1897 and edited by F. C. Burkitt (Fragments of the Books of Kings, 1897) and by C. Taylor (Sayings of the Jewish Fathers2, 1897; Hebrew-Greek Cairo Genizah Palimpsests, 1900). The student of Swete's Old Testament will trace Aquila's unmistakable style in the footnotes to the Books of Samuel and Kings; the older and shorter B text in those books has constantly been supplemented in the A text from Aquila. A longer specimen of his work occurs in the Greek Ecclesiastes, which has no claim to be regarded as 'Septuagint'; Jerome refers to a second edition of Aquila's version, and the Greek Ecclesiastes is perhaps his first edition of that book, made on the basis of an unrevised Hebrew text (McNeile, Introduction to Ecclesiastes, Cambridge, 1904, App. I). The suggested identification of Aquila with Onkelos, author of the Targum of that name, has not been generally accepted.
6. Theodotion:
Epiphanius' account of the dates and history of Theodotion and Symmachus is untrustworthy. He seems to have reversed their order, probably misled by the order of the translations, in the columns of the Hexapla (see below). He also apparently confused Aquila and Theodotion in calling the latter a native of Pontus. As regards date, Theodotion, critics are agreed, preceded Symmachus and probably flourished under M. Aurelius (161-80), whereas Symmachus lived under Commodus (180-92); Irenaeus mentions only the versions of Aquila and Theodotion, and that of Symmachus had in his day either not been produced or at least not widely circulated. According to the more credible account of Irenaeus, Theodotion was an Ephesian and a convert to Judaism. His version constantly agrees with the Septuagint and was rather a revision of it, to bring it into accord with the current Hebrew text, than an independent work. The supplementing of lacunae in the Septuagint (due partly to the fact that the older version of some books did not aim at completeness) gave scope for greater originality. These lacunae were greatest in Job and his version of that book was much longer than the Septuagint. The text of Job printed in Swete's edition is a patchwork of old and new; the careful reader may detect the Theodotion portions by transliterations and other peculiarities. Long extracts from Theodotion are preserved in codex Q in Jeremiah. As regards the additional matter contained in Septuagint, Theodotion was inconsistent; he admitted, e.g., the additions to Daniel (Sus, Bel and the Dragon, and the So of Three Children), but did not apparently admit the non-canonical books as a whole. The church adopted his Daniel in place of the inadequate Septuagint version, which has survived in only one Greek manuscript; but the date when the change took place is unknown and the early history of the two Greek texts is obscure. Greek 379. anapologetos -- without excuse
.. Frequently it describes the , while lacking an adequate defense. The term is not
used in the Septuagint ' ().]. Word Origin from alpha (as a neg. ..
//strongsnumbers.com/greek2/379.htm - 8k
250. aloe -- aloe
.. 250 () was used in ancient times for embalming fluid mixed with myrrh. is used
in the Septuagint (S of Sol 4:14) as a 'spice of love.'. ..
//strongsnumbers.com/greek2/250.htm - 6k
A Grammar of Septuagint Greek
A Grammar of Septuagint Radiata stories ost rar download . Greek. . A Grammar of Septuagint Greek Frederick
Cornwallis Conybeare. Table of Contents. Title Page. Preface. Introduction. ..
//christianbookshelf.org/conybeare/a grammar of septuagint greek/
Of the Authority of the Septuagint Translation, Which, Saving the ..
.. Chapter 43.'Of the Authority of the Septuagint Translation, Which, Saving the Honor
of the Hebrew Original, is to Be Preferred to All Translations. ..
/../christianbookshelf.org/augustine/city of god/chapter 43 of the authority of.htm
The Greek of the Septuagint .
.. PART II. THE CONTENTS OF THE ALEXANDRIAN OLD TESTAMENT. CHAPTER IV. THE GREEK OF
THE SEPTUAGINT . 1. No thorough treatment of the Greek idiom of the LXX. ..
/../chapter iv the greek of.htm
The Septuagint as a Version.
.. PART II. THE CONTENTS OF THE ALEXANDRIAN OLD TESTAMENT. CHAPTER V. THE
SEPTUAGINT AS A VERSION. THE purpose of this chapter is to ..
/../chapter v the septuagint as.htm
History of the Septuagint .
.. Chapter XIII.'History of the Septuagint . But if any one says that the writings
of Moses and of the rest of the prophets were also ..
/../chapter xiii history of the septuagint.htm
Manuscripts of the Septuagint .
.. CHAPTER V. MANUSCRIPTS OF THE SEPTUAGINT . THE great edition of the Septuagint published
by Holmes and Parsons ends with a complete list of the MSS. ..
/../chapter v manuscripts of the.htm
Printed Texts of the Septuagint .
.. TRANSMISSION. CHAPTER VI. PRINTED TEXTS OF THE SEPTUAGINT . THE printed texts
of the Septuagint fall naturally into two classes, viz. (1 ..
/../chapter vi printed texts of.htm
Ancient Versions Based Upon the Septuagint .
.. PART I. THE HISTORY OF THE GREEK OLD TESTAMENT AND OF ITS TRANSMISSION.
CHAPTER IV. ANCIENT VERSIONS BASED UPON THE SEPTUAGINT . ..
/../chapter iv ancient versions based.htm
Translations from the Septuagint and Chaldee.
.. Treatises. Translations from the Septuagint and Chaldee. There are three
stages of Jerome's work of Scripture Translation. The first ..
/../the principal works of st jerome/translations from the septuagint and.htm
Oomai vizhigal songs . How the Threat of the Destruction of the Ninevites is to be ..
.. Chapter 44.'How the Threat of the Destruction of the Ninevites is to Be Understood
Which in the Hebrew Extends to Forty Days, While in the Septuagint It is ..
//christianbookshelf.org/augustine/city of god/chapter 44 how the threat of.htm Thesaurus Septuagint
.. seventy-two) translators. Int. Standard Bible Encyclopedia. SEPTUAGINT .
sep'-tu-a-jint: I. IMPORTANCE II. NAME III. TRADITIONAL ORIGIN 1 ..
/s/septuagint.htm - 38k
Lizard (3 Occurrences)
.. On etymological grounds, koach, the King James Version 'chameleon,' the Revised
Version (British and American) 'land-crocodile,' Septuagint chamaileon, has ..
/l/lizard.htm - 16k
Susanna (1 Occurrence)
.. 5. Date 6. Original Language 1. Name: This novelette has, in the Septuagint , the
bare title 'Susanna' (Sousanna, from Hebrew shoshannah, 'lily'). ..
/s/susanna.htm - 17k
Swine (15 Occurrences)
.. swin (chazir; compare Arabic khinzir; hus, Septuagint and New Testament; compare
Greek sus, and Latin sus; adjective hueios, as a substantive, the Septuagint ..
/s/swine.htm - 15k
Kir (11 Occurrences)
.. 2. How Rendered in the Septuagint : Except in one manuscript ( Septuagint , Codex
Alexandrinus), where it appears as the Libyan Cyrene (2 Kings 16:9), it is never ..
/k/kir.htm - 17k Greek To Hebrew And Hebrew To Greek Dictionary Of Septuagint Words Pdf
Concordance
.. 3. Their Indispensableness 4. Concordances to Latin Vulgate 5. Concordances to the
Hebrew Old Testament 6. Concordances to the Septuagint 7. Concordances to ..
/c/concordance.htm - 16k
Rest (831 Occurrences)
.. Introductory. The Book of Esther in the oldest manuscripts of the Septuagint
(BAN, etc.) contains 107 verses more than in the Hebrew Bible. ..
/r/rest.htm - 47k
Patriarchs (6 Occurrences)
.. The first half of the list, from Adam to Mahalalel inclusive, together with Enoch
and Noah is the same in the three texts, except that the Septuagint has 100 ..
/p/patriarchs.htm - 37k Greek To Hebrew And Hebrew To Greek Dictionary Of Septuagint Words Audio
Antediluvian
.. The first half of the list, from Adam to Mahalalel inclusive, together with Enoch
and Noah is the same in the three texts, except that the Septuagint has 100 ..
/a/antediluvian.htm - 35k
Three (5005 Occurrences)
.. 1. Name: This Addition has no separate title in any manuscript or version because
in the Septuagint , Theod, Syriac and Latin (Old Latin and Vulgate) it follows ..
/t/three.htm - 18k What is the Septuagint? GotQuestions.org
What happened in the intertestamental period? GotQuestions.org
What is Psalm 151? Should Psalm 151 be in the Bible? GotQuestions.org Greek To Hebrew And Hebrew To Greek Dictionary Of Septuagint Words With Friends
Septuagint: Dictionary and Thesaurus Clyx.com
Bible Concordance Bible Dictionary Bible Encyclopedia Topical Bible Bible Thesuarus
Greek To Hebrew And Hebrew To Greek Dictionary Of Septuagint Words Pdf
Greek To Hebrew And Hebrew To Greek Dictionary Of Septuagint Words Audio
Greek To Hebrew And Hebrew To Greek Dictionary Of Septuagint Words With Friends
As I read Isaiah 22:19 recently, I had a question about a rarely occurring word in that verse. The Greek reads:
.
The lexicon also contains the equivalent Hebrew words which the Septuagint has translated. The Hebrew words are also coded to Strong's. The benefit is that one can find the in depth meaning of all these OT Hebrew words thus providing a link between the NT greek and OT Hebrew. As we can see this Stongs Plus Dictionary, does the same and also (greek to Hebrew and also Hebrew to Greek) much better. Strongs Plus Dictionary Greek Hebrew Equivalent.dctx.exe Other files you may be interested in. The word 'Sheol' was not coined by the scribes of the Greek Septuagint. One reference is Strong's Concordance and Lexicon, in which its rendering in Deuteronomy 32:22 has Hebrew word ID number 7585, shin aleph vav lamed (right to left). Septuagint definition is - a Greek version of the Jewish Scriptures redacted in the third and second centuries b.c. By Jewish scholars and adopted by Greek-speaking Christians.
(And you will be removed from your office and from your post.)
That means you can only switch CDMA phones with your carriers permission. What really matters is the type of network prior to the merge. If the network infrastructure was CDMA from the very beginning, so it will be after the business merge, because of its initial infrastructure. Note: we do not unlock CDMA phones. Reliance cdma phone price .
The word occurs in the Septuagint only here and two verses later. In the New Testament it appears just nine times.
A traditional lexicon (like LEH or LSJ) can give useful information about the word, but not necessarily any information about the underlying Hebrew. LEH just has, Is 22:19-21 stewardship. Muraokas work, by contrast, is a two-way index , which means you dont get a definition or gloss (as LEH or LSJ give). What you do get, however, is what Hebrew word a given Greek word is thought to have translated. As here:
Already the reader is interested to see that the same Greek word used twice within three verses translates a different underlying Hebrew word in each case. (N.B.: I realize that in Septuagint lexicography, to speak of Greek that translates Hebrew is an oversimplification, as there are other textual considerations that give rise to a given Septuagint text.)
Then one can consult the HebrewGreek portion of the index (part two of the book) to see what other Greek words (if any) are used where each of those two Hebrew words is used. In other words, Muraoka helps answer the question: did the translator of Greek Isaiah have other Greek options available to him when confronted with the Hebrew text?
Looking at Muraokas entry for the first of the two options above (), the answer is yes:
What is of note here is that Muraokas work makes it possible to see at a glance what sort of translation decisions have been made in going from Hebrew to Greek text.
As I study the Septuagint, I (and others) wonder about these things. How often does the Greek translate the Hebrew ? This breaks down into two questions: (1) What other Greek words are used to translate ? and (2) For occurrences in the Greek text of , what other Hebrew words might it be translating?
Muraoka writes this in the introduction:
This two-way index is meant to supplement our recently published lexicon as well as Hatch and Redpaths Septuagint Concordance.
Up to the second edition of our lexicon published in 2002 many of the entry words had at the end a list of Hebrew/Aramaic words or phrases which are translated in the Septuagint with the entry word in question. In the latest edition of the lexicon, however, we have decided to delete all these lists as not integral to the lexicon. This set of information is important all the same for better understanding of the Septuagint, its translation techniques, the Septuagint translators ways of relating to the Hebrew/Aramaic words and phrases in their original text. In order fully to understand how a Hebrew/Aramaic lexeme or phrase X was perceived to relate to a Greek lexeme or phrase Y one would need to study each biblical passage, with the help of HR, to which the equivalence applies. Yet a quick overview of, and easy access to, the range of Greek words or phrases can be helpful and illuminating. Therefore we are presenting these data here separately as Part I of this two-way Index.
As shown in the example above, part 1 is Greek to Hebrew. Part 2 is Hebrew to Greek.
The numbers next to the Greek words above are a key to the Hatch-Redpath Concordance that Muraoka mentions. That concordance (published early in the 20th century), has all the Greek words used in the Septuagint, together with what was thought to be the underlying Hebrew. The back of the HR concordance has a list that shows all the Hebrew words (alphabetically) with the Greek words used to translate them. But you actually just get an entry like this
qal 37 c , 74 a , 109 c , 113 c , 120 a , 133 a , 222 a , 267 a , 299 b , 306 b , 313 a , 329 c , 339 b , 365 a , 384 a , 460 c , 477 a , 503 c , 505 c , 520 b , 534 c , 537 b , 538 b , 553 b , 628 b , 757 b , 841 c , 863 c , 881 c , 991 b , 1056 b , 1060 a , 1061 a , 1139 a , 1213 b , 1220 c , 1231 b , c , 1310 b , 1318 b , 1423 c , 1425 b , 69b, 72b, 173a, 183b, c, 200a (2), 207 c, 211b.
so that you have to go back manually through the concordance to see what words are at 37c (page 37, column c), 74a, etc. It would be tedious to look up all the Greek words translated the Hebrew . Greek To Hebrew And Hebrew To Greek Dictionary Of Septuagint Words In The Bible
The second half of the two-way index more conveniently lists the above entry as:
qal (37c), (74a)
The HR page and column references are still there, but the actual Greek words are present now.
Muraoka has also updated HRs lexical analysis by including insights gained recently through textual criticism, new manuscripts (HR did not have the Dead Sea Scrolls), more analysis of apocryphal/deuterocanonical books, and so on.
In part one (only) Muraoka includes basic frequency statisticshow many times a given Hebrew word is what the Greek entry translates. In this index he is content with the use of + symbolwhen a given equivalence appears to occur very frequently. The statistics are not comprehensive or complete, as Muraoka points out.
Its not fair to fault Muraoka for not including a definition or gloss for his entries, since this is an index. The reader just needs to make sure to know this doesnt and isnt intended to replace a full-blown lexicon.
In fact, I appreciated Muraokas humility and realism in writing:
Our revision of HR, however, is still incomplete. Ideally, one should study each verse of every Septuagint book translated from either Hebrew or Aramaic and compare it with what is judged to be the Semitic Vorlage of the Septuagint text. This is a project for the future, and we doubt that such an investigation can be performed wholly and mechanically with a computer.
This is, in fact, the best way to use the indexwith a computer and the original language texts nearby to do further investigation as needed. But even with a computer, the index is an invaluable resource and welcome contribution to the growing field of Septuagint studies. Muraoka has done a great service to Septuagint readers by publishing the two-way index.
Thanks to Peeters Publishers for the review copy of this work, offered without any expectation as to the positive or critical nature of my review. The books product page is here. Its on Amazon here. Septuagint
( The seventy ). The Septuagint or Greek version of the Old Testament appears at the present day in four principal editions:--
Biblia Polyglotta Complutensis, A.D. 1514-1617,
The Aldine Edition, Venice, A.D. 1518.
The Roman Edition, edited under Pope Sixtus V., A.D. 1587.
Fac-simile Edition of the Codex Alexandrinus, by H. H. Baber, A.D. 1816. [TARGUMS] The Jews of Alexandria had probably still less knowledge of Hebrew than their brethren in Palestine their familiar language was Alexandrian Greek. They had settled in Alexandria in large numbers soon after the time of Alexander, and under the early Ptolemies. They would naturally follow the same practice as the Jews in Palestine; and hence would arise in time an entire Greek version. But the numbers and names of the translators, and the times at which different portions were translated are all uncertain. The commonly-received story respecting its origin is contained in an extant letter ascribed to Aristeas, who was an officer at the court of Ptolemy Philadelphus. This letter which is dressed by Aristeas to his brother Philocrates, gives a glowing account of the origin of the Septuagint; of the embassy and presents sent by King Ptolemy to the high priest at Jerusalem, by the advice of Demetrius Phalereus, his librarian, 30 talents of gold and 70 talents of silver, etc.; the Jewish slaves whom he set free, paying their ransom himself the letter of the king: the answer of the high priest; the choosing of six interpreters from each of the twelve tribes and their names; the copy of the law, in letters of gold; the feast prepared for the seventy two, which continued for seven days; the questions proposed to each of the interpreters in turn, with the answers of each; their lodging by the seashore and the accomplishment of their work in seventy. two days, by conference and comparison. This is the story which probably gave to the version the title of the Septuagint, and which has been repeated in various forms by the Christian writers. But it is now generally admitted that the letter is spurious and is probably the fabrication of an Alexandrian Jew shortly before the Christian era. Still there can be no doubt that there was a basis of fact for the fiction; on three points of the story there is no material difference of opinion and they are confirmed by the study of the version itself:--
The version was made at Alexandria.
It was begun in the time of the earlier Ptolemies, about 280 B.C.
The law (i.e. the Pentateuch) alone was translated at first. The Septuagint version was highly esteemed by the Hellenistic Jews before the coming of Christ. Wherever, by the conquests of Alexander or by colonization, the Greek language prevailed wherever Jews were settled and the attention of the neighboring Gentiles was drawn to their wondrous history and law there was found the Septuagint, which thus became, by divine Providence the means of spreading widely the knowledge of the one true God and his promises of it Saviour to come, throughout the nations. To the wide dispersion of this version we may ascribe in great measure that general persuasion which prevailed over the whole East of the near approach of the Redeemer, and led the Magi to recognize the star which, reclaimed the birth of the King of the Jews. Not less wide was the influence of the Septuagint in the spread of the gospel. For a long period the Septuagint was the Old Testament of the far larger part of the Christian Church. Character of the Septuagint. The Septuagint is faithful in substance but not minutely accurate in details. It has been clearly shown by Hody, Frankel and others that the several books were translated by different persons, without any comprehensive revision to harmonize the several parts. Names and words are rendered differently in different books. Thus the character of the version varies much in the several books, those of the Pentateuch are the best. The poetical parts are, generally speaking, inferior to the historical, the original abounding with rarer words and expressions. In the major prophets (probably translated nearly 100 years after the Pentateuch) some of the most important prophecies are sadly obscured. Ezekiel and the minor prophets (generally speaking) seem to be better rendered. Supposing the numerous glosses and duplicate renderings, which have evidently crept from the margin into the text, to be removed and forming a rough estimate of what the Septuagint was in its earliest state, we may perhaps say of it that it is the image of the original seen through a glass not adjusted to the proper focus; the larger features are shown, but the sharpness of definition is lost. The close connection between the Old and the New Testament makes the study of the Septuagint most valuable, and indeed indispensable, to the theological student. It was manifestly the chief storehouse from which the apostles drew their proofs and precepts. ATS Bible Dictionary Septuagint
The seventy, is the name of the most ancient Greek version of the Old Testament, and is so called because there were said to have been seventy translators.
The accounts of its origin disagree, but it should probably be assigned to the third century before Christ. This ancient version contains many errors, and yet as a whole is a faithful one, particularly in the books of Moses; it is of great value in the interpretation of the Old Testament, and is very often quoted by the New Testament writers, who wrote in the same dialect. It was the parent of the first Latin, the Coptic, and many other versions, and was so much quoted and followed by the Greek and Roman fathers as practically to supersede the original Hebrew, until the last few centuries. The chronology of the Septuagint differs materially from that of the Hebrew text, adding, for example, 606 years between the creation and the deluge. See ALEXANDRIA. see VERSIONS. Webster's Revised Unabridged Dictionary ( n. ) A Greek version of the Old Testament; -- so called because it was believed to be the work of seventy (or rather of seventy-two) translators. SEPTUAGINT
sep'-tu-a-jint:
I. IMPORTANCE
II. NAME
III. TRADITIONAL ORIGIN
1. Letter of Aristeas
2. Evidence of Aristobulus and Philo
3. Later Accretions
4. Criticism of the Aristeas Story
5. Date
6. Credibility
IV. EVIDENCE OF PROLOGUE TO SIRACH
V. TRANSMISSION OF THE SEPTUAGINT TEXT
1. Early Corruption of the Text
2. Official Revision of Hebrew Text circa 100 A.D.
3. Adoption of Septuagint by Christians
4. Alternative 2nd-Century Greek Versions
5. Aquila
6. Theodotion
7. Symmachus and Others
8. Origen and the Hexapla
9. Hexaplaric Manuscripts
10. Recensions Known to Jerome
11. Hesychian Recension
12. Lucianic Recension
VI. RECONSTRUCTION OF SEPTUAGINT TEXT; VERSIONS, MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTED EDITIONS
1. Ancient Versions Made from Septuagint
2. Manuscripts
3. Printed Texts
4. Reconstruction of Original Text
VII. NUMBER, TITLES AND ORDER OF BOOKS
1. Contents
2. Titles
3. Bipartition of Books
4. Grouping and Order of Books
VIII. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE VERSION AND ITS COMPONENT PARTS
1. Grouping of Books on Internal Evidence
(1) The Hexateuch
(2) The 'Latter' Prophets
(3) Partial Version of the 'Former' Prophets (4) The 'Writings'
(5) The Latest Septuagint Translations
2. General Characteristics
IX. SALIENT DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE GREEK AND HEBREW TEXTS
1. Sequence
2. Subject-Matter
LITERATURE
I. Importance.
The Greek version of the Old Testament commonly known as the Septuagint holds a unique place among translations. Its importance is manysided. Its chief value lies in the fact that it is a version of a Hebrew text earlier by about a millennium than the earliest dated Hebrew manuscript extant (916 A.D.), a version, in particular, prior to the formal rabbinical revision of the Hebrew which took place early in the 2nd century A.D. It supplies the materials for the reconstruction of an older form of the Hebrew than the Massoretic Text reproduced in our modern Bibles. It is, moreover, a pioneering work; there was probably no precedent in the world's history for a series of translations from one language into another on so extensive a scale. It was the first attempt to reproduce the Hebrew Scriptures in another tongue. It is one of the outstanding results of the breaking-down of international barriers by the conquests of Alexander the Great and the dissemination of the Greek language, which were fraught with such vital consequences for the history of religion. The cosmopolitan city which he founded in the Delta witnessed the first attempt to bridge the gulf between Jewish and Greek thought. The Jewish commercial settlers at Alexandria, forced by circumstances to abandon their language, clung tenaciously to their faith; and the translation of the Scriptures into their adopted language, produced to meet their own needs, had the further result of introducing the outside world to a knowledge of their history and religion. Then came the most momentous event in its history, the starting-point of a new life; the translation was taken over from the Jews by the Christian church. It was the Bible of most writers of the New Testament. Not only are the majority of their express citations from Scripture borrowed from it, but their writings contain numerous reminiscences of its language. Its words are household words to them. It laid for them the foundations of a new religious terminology. It was a potent weapon for missionary work, and, when versions of the Scriptures into other languages became necessary, it was in most cases the Septuagint and not the Hebrew from which they were made. Preeminent among these daughter versions was the Old Latin which preceded the Vulgate (Jerome's Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.), for the most part a direct translation from the Hebrew, was in portions a mere revision of the Old Latin; our Prayer-book version of the Psalter preserves peculiarities of the Septuagint, transmitted through the medium of the Old Latin. The Septuagint was also the Bible of the early Greek Fathers, and helped to mold dogma; it furnished proof-texts to both parties in the Arian controversy. Its language gives it another strong claim to recognition. Uncouth and unclassical as much of it appears, we now know that this is not wholly due to the hampering effects of translation. 'Biblical Greek,' once considered a distinct species, is now a rather discredited term. The hundreds of contemporary papyrus records (letters, business and legal documents, etc.) recently discovered in Egypt illustrate much of the vocabulary and grammar and go to show that many so-called 'Hebraisms' were in truth integral parts of the koine, or 'common language,' i.e. the international form of Greek which, since the time of Alexander, replaced the old dialects, and of which the spoken Greek of today is the lineal descendant. The version was made for the populace and written in large measure in the language of their everyday life.
II. Name.
The name 'Septuagint' is an abbreviation of Interpretatio secundum (or juxta) Septuaginta seniores (or viros), i.e. the Greek translation of the Old Testament of which the first installment was, according to the Alexandrian legend (see III, below), contributed by 70 (or 72) elders sent from Jerusalem to Alexandria for the purpose at the request of Ptolemy II. The legend in its oldest form restricts their labors to the Pentateuch but they were afterward credited with the translation of the whole Bible, and before the 4th century it had become customary to apply the title to the whole collection: Aug., De Civ. Dei, xviii.42, 'quorum interpretatio ut Septuaginta vocetur iam obtinuit consuetudo' ('whose translation is now by custom called the Septuagint'). The manuscripts refer to them under the abbreviation hoi o' ('the seventy'), or hoi ob', ('the seventy-two'). The 'Septuagint' and the abbreviated form 'LXX' have been the usual designations hitherto, but, as these are based on a now discredited legend, they are coming to be replaced by 'the Old Testament in Greek,' or 'the Alexandrian version' with the abbreviation 'G'.
III. Traditional Origin.
The traditional account of the translation of the Pentateuch is contained in the so-called letter of Aristeas (editions of Greek text, P. Wendland, Teubner series, 1900, and Thackeray in the App. to Swete's Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek, 1900, etc.; Wendland's sections cited below appear in Swete's Introduction, edition 2; English translation by Thackeray, Macmillan, 1904, reprinted from JQR, XV, 337, and by H. T. Andrews in Charles' Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament, II, 83-122, Oxford, 1913).
1. Letter of Aristeas:
The writer professes to be a high official at the court of Ptolemy Philadelphus (285-247 B.C.), a Greek interested in Jewish antiquities. Addressing his brother Philocrates he describes an embassy to Jerusalem on which he has recently been sent with another courtier Andreas. According to his narrative, Demetrius of Phalerum, a prominent figure in later Athenian history, who here appears as the royal librarian at Alexandria, convinced the king of the importance of securing for his library a translation of the Jewish Law. The king at the same time, to propitiate the nation from whom he was asking a favor, consented, on the suggestion of Aristeas, to liberate all Jewish slaves in Egypt. Copies follow of the letters which passed between Ptolemy and Eleazar, the high priest at Jerusalem. Ptolemy requests Eleazar to select and dispatch to Alexandria 72 elders, proficient in the Law, 6 from each tribe, to undertake the translation the importance of the task requiring the services of a large number to secure an accurate version Eleazar complies with the request and the names of the selected translators are appended to his letter.
There follow: (1) a detailed description of votive offerings sent by Ptolemy for the temple; (2) a sketch of Jerusalem, the temple and its services, and the geography of Palestine, doubtless reflecting in part the impressions of an eyewitness and giving a unique picture of the Jewish capital in the Ptolemaic era; (3) an exposition by Eleazar of portions of the Law.
The translators arrive at Alexandria, bringing a copy of the Law written in letters of gold on rolls of skins, and are honorably received by Ptolemy. A seven days' banquet follows, at which the king tests the proficiency of each in turn with hard questions. Three days later Demetrius conducts them across the mole known as the Heptastadion to the island of Pharos, where, with all necessaries provided for their convenience, they complete their task, as by a miracle, in 72 days; we are expressly told that their work was the result of collaboration and comparison. The completed version was read by Demetrius to the Jewish community, who received it with enthusiasm and begged that a copy might be entrusted to their leaders; a solemn curse was pronounced on any who should venture to add to or subtract from or make any alteration in the translation. The whole version was then read aloud to the king who expressed his admiration and his surprise that Greek writers had remained in ignorance of its contents; he directed that the books should be preserved with scrupulous care.
2. Evidence of Aristobulus and Philo:
To set beside this account we have two pre-Christian allusions in Jewish writings. Aristobulus, addressing a Ptolemy who has been identified as Philometor (182-146 B.C.), repeats the statement that the Pentateuch was translated under Philadelphus at the instance of Demetrius Phalereus (Eusebius, Praep. Ev., XIII, 12, 664b); but the genuineness of the passage is doubtful. If it is accepted, it appears that some of the main features of the story were believed at Alexandria within a century of the date assigned by 'Aristeas' to the translation Philo (Vit. Moys, ii.5;) repeats the story of the sending of the translators by Eleazar at the request of Philadelphus, adding that in his day the completion of the undertaking was celebrated by an annual festival on the isle of Pharos. It is improbable that an artificial production like the Aristeas letter should have occasioned such an anniversary; Philo's evidence seems therefore to rest in part on an independent tradition. His account in one particular paves the way for later accretions; he hints at the inspiration of the translators and the miraculous agreement of their separate VSS: 'They prophesied like men possessed, not one in one way and one in another, but all producing the same words and phrases as though some unseen prompter were at the ears of each.' At the end of the 1st century A.D. Josephus includes in his Antiquities (XII, ii, 1;) large portions of the letter, which he paraphrases, but does not embellish.
3. Later Accretions:
Christian writers accepted the story without suspicion and amplified it. A catena of their evidence is given in an Appendix to Wendland's edition. The following are their principal additions to the narrative, all clearly baseless fabrications.
(1) The translators worked independently, in separate cells, and produced identical versions, Ptolemy proposing this test of their trustworthiness. So Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Augustine, the Chronicon Paschale and the Cohortatio ad Graecos (wrongly attributed to Justin); the author of the last work asserts that he had seen the cells and heard the tradition on the spot.
(2) A modification of this legend says that the translators worked in pairs in 36 cells. So Epiphanius (died 403 A.D.), and later G. Syncellus, Julius Pollux and Zonaras. Epiphanius' account is the most detailed. The translators were locked up in sky-lighted cells in pairs with attendants and shorthand writers; each pair was entrusted with one book, the books were then circulated, and 36 identical versions of the whole Bible, canonical and apocryphal books, were produced; Ptolemy wrote two letters, one asking for the original Scriptures, the second for translators.
(3) This story of the two embassies appears already in the 2nd century A.D., in Justin's Apology, and
(4) the extension of the translators' work to the Prophets or the whole Bible recurs in the two Cyrils and in Chrysostom.
(5) The miraculous agreement of the translators proved them to be no less inspired than the authors (Irenaeus, etc.; compare Philo).
(6) As regards date, Clement of Alexandria quotes an alternative tradition referring the version back to the time of the first Ptolemy (322-285 B.C.); while Chrysostom brings it down to 'a hundred or more years (elsewhere 'not many years') before the coming of Christ.' Justin absurdly states that Ptolemy's embassy was sent to King Herod; the Chronicon Paschale calls the high priest of the time Onias Simon, brother of Eleazar.
Jerome was the first to hold these later inventions up to ridicule, contrasting them with the older and more sober narrative. They indicate a growing oral tradition in Jewish circles at Alexandria. The origin of the legend of the miraculous consensus of the 70 translators has been reasonably sought in a passage in Exodus 24 Septuagint to which Epiphanius expressly refers. We there read of 70 elders of Israel, not heard of again, who with Aaron, Nadab and Abihu form a link between Moses and the people. After reciting the Book of the Covenant Moses ascends to the top of the mount; the 70, however, ascend but a little way and are bidden to worship from afar: according to the Septuagint text 'They saw the place where the God of Israel stood.. and of the elect of Israel not one perished' (Exodus 24:11), i.e. they were privileged to escape the usual effect of a vision of the Deity (Exodus 33:20). But the verb used for 'perish' (diaphonein) was uncommon in this sense; 'not one disagreed' would be the obvious meaning; hence, apparently the legend of the agreement of the translators, the later intermediaries between Moses and Israel of the Dispersion. When the translations were recited, 'no difference was discoverable,' says Epiphanius, using the same verb, cave-dwellings in the island of Pharos probably account for the legend of the cells. A curious phenomenon has recently suggested that there is an element of truth in one item of Epiphanius' obviously incredible narrative, namely, the working of the translators in pairs. The Greek books of Jeremiah and Ezekiel fall into two nearly equal parts, apparently the work of separate translators (see VIII, 1, (2), below); while in Exodus, Leviticus and Psalms orthographical details indicate a similar division of the books for clerical purposes. There was, it seems, a primitive custom of transcribing each book on 2 separate rolls, and in the case of Jeremiah and Ezekiel the practice goes back to the time of translation (JTS, IV, 245;, 398;; IX, 88;).
4. Criticism of the Aristeas Story:
Beside the later extravagances, the story of Aristeas appears comparatively rational. Yet it has long been recognized that much of it is unhistorical, in particular the professed date and nationality of the writer. Its claims to authenticity were demolished by Dr. Hody two centuries ago (De bibliorum textibus originalibus, Oxon., 1705). Clearly the writer is not a Greek, but a Jew, whose aim is to glorify his race and to disseminate information about their sacred books. Yet the story is not wholly to be rejected, though it is difficult to disentangle truth from fiction. On one side his veracity has since Hody's time been established; his court titles, technical terms, epistolary formulas, etc., reappear in Egyptian papyri and inscriptions, and all his references to Alexandrian life and customs are probably equally trustworthy (sections 28, 109;, measures to counteract the ill effects upon agriculture of migration from country to town; section 167, treatment of informers (compare section 25); section 175 reception of foreign embassies (compare section 182)). The import of this discovery has, however, since its announcement by Lombroso (Recherches sur l'economie politique de l'Egypte, Turin, 1870), been somewhat modified by the new-found papyri which show that Aristeas' titles and formulas are those of the later, not the earlier, Ptolemaic age.
5. Date:
The letter was used by Josephus and probably known to Philo. How much earlier is it? Schurer (HJP, II, iii, 309 (GJV4,III, 608-16)), relying on (1) the questionable Aristobulus passage, (2) the picture drawn of Palestine as if still under Ptolemaic rule, from which it passed to the Seleucids circa 200 B.C., argued that the work could not be later than that date. But it is hard to believe that a fictitious story (as he regards it to be) could have gained credence within little more than half a century of the period to which it relates, and Wendland rightly rejects so ancient an origin. The following indications suggest a date about 100-80 B.C.
(1) Many of Aristeas' formulas, etc. (see above), only came into use in the 2nd century B.C. (Strack, Rhein. Mus., LV, 168;; Thackeray, Aristeas, English translation, pp. 3, 12).
(2) The later Maccabean age or the end of the 2nd century B.C. is suggested by some of the translators' names (Wendland, xxvi), and
(3) by the independent position of the high priest.
(4) Some of Ptolemy's questions indicate a tottering dynasty (section 187, etc.).
(5) The writer occasionally forgets his role and distinguishes between his own time and that of Philadelphus (sections 28, 182).
(6) He appears to borrow his name from a Jewish historian of the 2nd century B.C. and to wish to pass off the latter's history as his own (section 6).
(7) He is guilty of historical inaccuracies concerning Demetrius, etc.
(8) The prologue to the Greek Ecclesiasticus (after 132 B.C.) ignores and contradicts the Aristeas story, whereas Aristeas possibly used this prologue (Wendland, xxvii; compare Hart, Ecclesiasticus in Greek, 1909).
(9) The imprecation upon any who should alter the translation (section 311) points to divergences of text which the writer desired to check; compare section 57, where he seems to insist on the correctness of the Septuagint text of Exodus 25:22, 'gold of pure gold,' as against the Hebrew.
(10) Allusions to current criticisms of the Pentateuch (sections 128, 144) presuppose a familiarity with it on the part of non-Jewish readers only explicable if the Septuagint had long been current.
(11) Yet details in the Greek orthography preclude a date much later than 100 B.C.
6. Credibility:
The probable amount of truth in the story is ably discussed by Swete (Intro, 16-22). The following statements in the letter may be accepted:
(1) The translation was produced at Alexandria, as is conclusively proved by Egyptian influence on its language.
(2) The Pentateuch was translated first and, in view of the homogeneity of style, as a whole.
(3) The Greek Pentateuch goes back to the first half of the 3rd century B.C.; the style is akin to that of the 3rd-century papyri, and the Greek Genesis was used by the Hellenist Demetrius toward the end of the century.
(4) The Hebrew rolls were brought from Jerusalem.
(5) Possibly Philadelphus, the patron of literature, with his religious impartiality, may have countenanced the work.
But the assertion that it owed its inception wholly to him and his librarian is incredible; it is known from other sources that Demetrius Phalereus did not fill the office of librarian under that monarch. The language is that of the people, not a literary style suitable to a work produced under royal patronage. The importation of Palestinian translators is likewise fictitious. Dr. Swete acutely observes that Aristeas, in stating that the translation was read to and welcomed by the Jewish community before being presented to the king, unconsciously reveals its true origin. It was no doubt produced to meet their own needs by the large Jewish colony at Alexandria. A demand that the Law should be read in the synagogues in a tongue 'understanded of the people' was the originating impulse.
IV. Evidence of Prologue to Sirach.
The interesting, though in places tantalizingly obscure, prologue to Ecclesiasticus throws light on the progress made with the translation of the remaining Scriptures before the end of the 2nd century B.C.
The translator dates his settlement in Egypt, during which he produced his version of his grandfather's work, as 'the 38th year under Euergetes the king.' The words have been the subject of controversy, but, with the majority of critics, we may interpret this to mean the 38th year of Euergetes II, reckoning from the beginning (170 B.C.) of his joint reign with Philometor, i.e. 132 B.C. Euergetes I reigned for 25 years only. Others, in view of the superfluous preposition, suppose that the age of the translator is intended, but the cumbrous form of expression is not unparalleled. A recent explanation of the date (Hart, Ecclesiasticus in Greek) as the 38th year of Philadelphus which was also the 1st year of Euergetes I (i.e. 247 B.C.) is more ingenious than convincing.
The prologue implies the existence of a Greek version of the Law; the Prophets and 'the rest of the books.' The translator, craving his readers' indulgence for the imperfections of his own work, due to the difficulty of reproducing Hebrew in Greek, adds that others have experienced the same difficulties: 'The Law itself and the prophecies and the rest of the books have no small difference when spoken in their original language.' From these words we may understand that at the time of writing (132-100 B.C.) Alexandrian Jews possessed Greek versions of a large part (probably not the whole) of 'the Prophets,' and of some of 'the Writings' or Hagiographa. For some internal evidence as to the order in which the several books were translated see VIII, below.
V. Transmission of the Septuagint Text.
The main value of the Septuagint is its witness to an older Hebrew text than our own. But before we can reconstruct this Hebrew text we need to have a pure Greek text before us, and this we are at present far from possessing. The Greek text has had a long and complex history of its own. Used for centuries by both Jews and Christians it underwent corruption and interpolation, and, notwithstanding the multitude of materials for its restoration, the original text has yet to be recovered. We are much more certain of the ipsissima verba of the New Testament writers than of the original Alexandrian version of the Old Testament. This does not apply to all portions alike. The Greek Pentateuch, e.g., has survived in a relatively pure form. But everywhere we have to be on our guard against interpolations, sometimes extending to whole paragraphs. Not a verse is without its array of variant readings. An indication of the amount of 'mixture' which has taken place is afforded by the numerous 'doublets' or alternative renderings of a single Hebrew word or phrase which appear side by side in the transmitted text.
1. Early Corruption of the Text:
Textual corruption began early, before the Christian era. We have seen indications of this in the letter of Aristeas (III, 5, (9) above). Traces of corruption appear in Philo (e.g. his comment, in Quis Rer. Div. Her. 56, on Genesis 15:15, shows that already in his day tapheis, 'buried,' had become trapheis, 'nurtured,' as in all our manuscripts); doublets already exist. Similarly in the New Testament the author of Hebrews quotes (12:15) a corrupt form of the Greek of Deuteronomy 29:18.
2. Official Revision of Hebrew Text circa 100 A.D.:
But it was not until the beginning of the 2nd century A.D. that the divergence between the Greek and the Palestinian Hebrew text reached an acute stage. One cause of this was the revision of the Hebrew text which took place about this time. No actual record of this revision exists, but it is beyond doubt that it originated in the rabbinical school, of which Rabbi Akiba was the chief representative, and which had its center at Jamnia in the years following the destruction of Jerusalem. The Jewish doctors, their temple in ruins, concentrated their attention on the settlement of the text of the Scriptures which remained to them. This school of eminent critics, precursors of the Massoretes, besides settling outstanding questions concerning the Canon, laid down strict rules for Biblical interpretation, and in all probability established an official text.
3. Adoption of Septuagint by Christians:
But another cause widened still farther the distance between the texts of Jerusalem and Alexandria. This was the adoption of the Septuagint by the Christian church. When Christians began to cite the Alexandrian version in proof of their doctrines, the Jews began to question its accuracy. Hence, mutual recriminations which are reflected in the pages of Justin's Dialogue with Trypho. 'They dare to assert,' says Justin (Dial., 68), 'that the interpretation produced by your seventy elders under Ptolemy of Egypt is in some points inaccurate.' A crucial instance cited by the Jews was the rendering 'virgin' in Isaiah 7:14, where they claimed with justice that 'young woman' would be more accurate. Justin retaliates by charging the Jews with deliberate excision of passages favorable to Christianity.
4. Alternative 2nd Century Greek Versions:
That such accusations should be made in those critical years was inevitable, yet there is no evidence of any material interpolations having been introduced by either party. But the Alexandrian version, in view of the revised text and the new and stricter canons of interpretation, was felt by the Jews to be inadequate, and a group of new translations of Scripture in the 2nd century A.D. supplied the demand. We possess considerable fragments of the work of three of these translators, namely, Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion, besides scanty remnants of further anonymous versions
5. Aquila:
The earliest of 'the three' was Aquila, a proselyte to Judaism, and, like his New Testament namesake, a native of Pontus. He flourished, according to Epiphanius (whose account of these later translators in his De mens. et pond. is not wholly trustworthy), under Hadrian (117-38 A.D.) and was related to that emperor; there is no probability in Epiphanius' further statement that Hadrian entrusted to Aquila the superintendence of the building of Aelia Capitolina on the site of Jerusalem, that there he was converted to Christianity by Christian exiles returning from Pella, but that refusing to abandon astrology he was excommunicated, and in revenge turned Jew and was actuated by a bias against Christianity in his version of the Old Testament. What is certain is that he was a pupil of the new rabbinical school, in particular of Rabbi Akiba (95-135 A.D.), and that his version was an attempt to reproduce exactly the revised official text. The result was an extraordinary production, unparalleled in Greek literature, if it can be classed under that category at all. No jot or tittle of the Hebrew might be neglected; uniformity in the translation of each Hebrew word must be preserved and the etymological kinship of different Hebrew words represented. Such were some of his leading principles. The opening words of his translation (Genesis 1:1) may be rendered: 'In heading rounded God with the heavens and with the earth.' 'Heading' or 'summary' was selected because the Hebrew word for 'beginning' was a derivative of 'head.' 'With' represents an untranslatable word ('eth) prefixed to the accusative case, but indistinguishable from the preposition 'with.' The Divine Name (the tetragrammaton, YHWH) was not translated, but written in archaic Hebrew characters. 'A slave to the letter,' as Origen calls him, his work has aptly been described by a modern writer as 'a colossal crib' (Burkitt, JQR, October, 1896, 207;). Yet it was a success. In Origen's time it was used by all Jews ignorant of Hebrew, and continued in use for several centuries; Justinian expressly sanctioned its use in the synagogues (Nov., 146). Its lack of style and violation of the laws of grammar were not due to ignorance of Greek, of which the writer shows, in vocabulary at least, a considerable command. Its importance lay and lies (so far as it is preserved) in its exact reproduction of the rabbinical text of the 2nd century A.D.; it may be regarded as the beginning of the scientific study of the Hebrew Scriptures. Though 'a bold attempt to displace the Septuagint,' it cannot be charged with being intentionally antagonistic to Christianity. Of the original work, previously known only from extracts in manuscripts, some palimpsest fragments were recovered from the Cairo Genizah in 1897 and edited by F. C. Burkitt (Fragments of the Books of Kings, 1897) and by C. Taylor (Sayings of the Jewish Fathers2, 1897; Hebrew-Greek Cairo Genizah Palimpsests, 1900). The student of Swete's Old Testament will trace Aquila's unmistakable style in the footnotes to the Books of Samuel and Kings; the older and shorter B text in those books has constantly been supplemented in the A text from Aquila. A longer specimen of his work occurs in the Greek Ecclesiastes, which has no claim to be regarded as 'Septuagint'; Jerome refers to a second edition of Aquila's version, and the Greek Ecclesiastes is perhaps his first edition of that book, made on the basis of an unrevised Hebrew text (McNeile, Introduction to Ecclesiastes, Cambridge, 1904, App. I). The suggested identification of Aquila with Onkelos, author of the Targum of that name, has not been generally accepted.
6. Theodotion:
Epiphanius' account of the dates and history of Theodotion and Symmachus is untrustworthy. He seems to have reversed their order, probably misled by the order of the translations, in the columns of the Hexapla (see below). He also apparently confused Aquila and Theodotion in calling the latter a native of Pontus. As regards date, Theodotion, critics are agreed, preceded Symmachus and probably flourished under M. Aurelius (161-80), whereas Symmachus lived under Commodus (180-92); Irenaeus mentions only the versions of Aquila and Theodotion, and that of Symmachus had in his day either not been produced or at least not widely circulated. According to the more credible account of Irenaeus, Theodotion was an Ephesian and a convert to Judaism. His version constantly agrees with the Septuagint and was rather a revision of it, to bring it into accord with the current Hebrew text, than an independent work. The supplementing of lacunae in the Septuagint (due partly to the fact that the older version of some books did not aim at completeness) gave scope for greater originality. These lacunae were greatest in Job and his version of that book was much longer than the Septuagint. The text of Job printed in Swete's edition is a patchwork of old and new; the careful reader may detect the Theodotion portions by transliterations and other peculiarities. Long extracts from Theodotion are preserved in codex Q in Jeremiah. As regards the additional matter contained in Septuagint, Theodotion was inconsistent; he admitted, e.g., the additions to Daniel (Sus, Bel and the Dragon, and the So of Three Children), but did not apparently admit the non-canonical books as a whole. The church adopted his Daniel in place of the inadequate Septuagint version, which has survived in only one Greek manuscript; but the date when the change took place is unknown and the early history of the two Greek texts is obscure. Greek 379. anapologetos -- without excuse
.. Frequently it describes the , while lacking an adequate defense. The term is not
used in the Septuagint ' ().]. Word Origin from alpha (as a neg. ..
//strongsnumbers.com/greek2/379.htm - 8k
250. aloe -- aloe
.. 250 () was used in ancient times for embalming fluid mixed with myrrh. is used
in the Septuagint (S of Sol 4:14) as a 'spice of love.'. ..
//strongsnumbers.com/greek2/250.htm - 6k
A Grammar of Septuagint Greek
A Grammar of Septuagint Radiata stories ost rar download . Greek. . A Grammar of Septuagint Greek Frederick
Cornwallis Conybeare. Table of Contents. Title Page. Preface. Introduction. ..
//christianbookshelf.org/conybeare/a grammar of septuagint greek/
Of the Authority of the Septuagint Translation, Which, Saving the ..
.. Chapter 43.'Of the Authority of the Septuagint Translation, Which, Saving the Honor
of the Hebrew Original, is to Be Preferred to All Translations. ..
/../christianbookshelf.org/augustine/city of god/chapter 43 of the authority of.htm
The Greek of the Septuagint .
.. PART II. THE CONTENTS OF THE ALEXANDRIAN OLD TESTAMENT. CHAPTER IV. THE GREEK OF
THE SEPTUAGINT . 1. No thorough treatment of the Greek idiom of the LXX. ..
/../chapter iv the greek of.htm
The Septuagint as a Version.
.. PART II. THE CONTENTS OF THE ALEXANDRIAN OLD TESTAMENT. CHAPTER V. THE
SEPTUAGINT AS A VERSION. THE purpose of this chapter is to ..
/../chapter v the septuagint as.htm
History of the Septuagint .
.. Chapter XIII.'History of the Septuagint . But if any one says that the writings
of Moses and of the rest of the prophets were also ..
/../chapter xiii history of the septuagint.htm
Manuscripts of the Septuagint .
.. CHAPTER V. MANUSCRIPTS OF THE SEPTUAGINT . THE great edition of the Septuagint published
by Holmes and Parsons ends with a complete list of the MSS. ..
/../chapter v manuscripts of the.htm
Printed Texts of the Septuagint .
.. TRANSMISSION. CHAPTER VI. PRINTED TEXTS OF THE SEPTUAGINT . THE printed texts
of the Septuagint fall naturally into two classes, viz. (1 ..
/../chapter vi printed texts of.htm
Ancient Versions Based Upon the Septuagint .
.. PART I. THE HISTORY OF THE GREEK OLD TESTAMENT AND OF ITS TRANSMISSION.
CHAPTER IV. ANCIENT VERSIONS BASED UPON THE SEPTUAGINT . ..
/../chapter iv ancient versions based.htm
Translations from the Septuagint and Chaldee.
.. Treatises. Translations from the Septuagint and Chaldee. There are three
stages of Jerome's work of Scripture Translation. The first ..
/../the principal works of st jerome/translations from the septuagint and.htm
Oomai vizhigal songs . How the Threat of the Destruction of the Ninevites is to be ..
.. Chapter 44.'How the Threat of the Destruction of the Ninevites is to Be Understood
Which in the Hebrew Extends to Forty Days, While in the Septuagint It is ..
//christianbookshelf.org/augustine/city of god/chapter 44 how the threat of.htm Thesaurus Septuagint
.. seventy-two) translators. Int. Standard Bible Encyclopedia. SEPTUAGINT .
sep'-tu-a-jint: I. IMPORTANCE II. NAME III. TRADITIONAL ORIGIN 1 ..
/s/septuagint.htm - 38k
Lizard (3 Occurrences)
.. On etymological grounds, koach, the King James Version 'chameleon,' the Revised
Version (British and American) 'land-crocodile,' Septuagint chamaileon, has ..
/l/lizard.htm - 16k
Susanna (1 Occurrence)
.. 5. Date 6. Original Language 1. Name: This novelette has, in the Septuagint , the
bare title 'Susanna' (Sousanna, from Hebrew shoshannah, 'lily'). ..
/s/susanna.htm - 17k
Swine (15 Occurrences)
.. swin (chazir; compare Arabic khinzir; hus, Septuagint and New Testament; compare
Greek sus, and Latin sus; adjective hueios, as a substantive, the Septuagint ..
/s/swine.htm - 15k
Kir (11 Occurrences)
.. 2. How Rendered in the Septuagint : Except in one manuscript ( Septuagint , Codex
Alexandrinus), where it appears as the Libyan Cyrene (2 Kings 16:9), it is never ..
/k/kir.htm - 17k Greek To Hebrew And Hebrew To Greek Dictionary Of Septuagint Words Pdf
Concordance
.. 3. Their Indispensableness 4. Concordances to Latin Vulgate 5. Concordances to the
Hebrew Old Testament 6. Concordances to the Septuagint 7. Concordances to ..
/c/concordance.htm - 16k
Rest (831 Occurrences)
.. Introductory. The Book of Esther in the oldest manuscripts of the Septuagint
(BAN, etc.) contains 107 verses more than in the Hebrew Bible. ..
/r/rest.htm - 47k
Patriarchs (6 Occurrences)
.. The first half of the list, from Adam to Mahalalel inclusive, together with Enoch
and Noah is the same in the three texts, except that the Septuagint has 100 ..
/p/patriarchs.htm - 37k Greek To Hebrew And Hebrew To Greek Dictionary Of Septuagint Words Audio
Antediluvian
.. The first half of the list, from Adam to Mahalalel inclusive, together with Enoch
and Noah is the same in the three texts, except that the Septuagint has 100 ..
/a/antediluvian.htm - 35k
Three (5005 Occurrences)
.. 1. Name: This Addition has no separate title in any manuscript or version because
in the Septuagint , Theod, Syriac and Latin (Old Latin and Vulgate) it follows ..
/t/three.htm - 18k What is the Septuagint? GotQuestions.org
What happened in the intertestamental period? GotQuestions.org
What is Psalm 151? Should Psalm 151 be in the Bible? GotQuestions.org Greek To Hebrew And Hebrew To Greek Dictionary Of Septuagint Words With Friends
Septuagint: Dictionary and Thesaurus Clyx.com
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